AFTERWORD

 

Loren Eisely #20, Marc Lafia (2023)

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The practice of democracy is relatively recent in the history of humanity. While there were attempts to make institutionalized democratic republics in Ancient Greece and Rome, the unleashing of the potential for innovation and creativity by means of this governance experiment will not be fully realized until the Liberal Revolution of the 18th Century. It was then that the idea of institutional renewal combined with that of economic renewal, capitalism, would shake the world.

This structural quake will bring forth deep social, economic, and political transformation and the notion of democracy as we know it today. It will usher in a prosperous era spanning a scant two hundred and fifty years, at most, in civilization’s history of six to ten thousand years; an era that has created and distributed more wealth and wellbeing than all the time before it, even to nations that do not practice democracy, by its collateral spillover effect. Given the historical span of modern democracy, it is not remarkable that heroic legends, myths, fables and all the historical trappings of our culture are mostly skewed towards what we could regard as illiberalism—authoritarian order centered around tribal loyalties. [1] Yet, liberalism did not sprout out of nowhere. Its roots are found in those same myths, legends and fables which have shaped our minds for millennia.


ABOUT THE IDEAS

Some time ago I was invited to participate in a political consultancy team working for a presidential candidate in a Latin American country. As is often the case in the region, a broad spectrum of liberal democracy leaning political organizations was pitted against a broad spectrum of populists labeling themselves (or accusing their opponents of being) “nationalists,” “socialists,” or other such names to that effect, depending on the political base they were seeking to sway. It was clear, once again, that while populists base their standard story on an easily conveyed simple narrative of “facts” deeply rooted in emotion with a scant sprinkling of reason, liberals (in its 18th century meaning) typically struggle to convey complex ideas deeply rooted in reason with a light sprinkling of emotion.

This is not only the case in Latin America. It is a normal human tendency to aspire simple order and control rather than complex messiness and uncertainty. Strongmen (not always men) can use the institutions of democracy to achieve and keep political power with a promise to end uncertainty and restore order. Over the last twenty years we have seen a great illiberal wave sweeping across the globe, a likely reaction to that font of messiness and uncertainty which is democratic liberalism, and which had its peak in the early 90’s —Francis Fukuyama’s “End of History” era.

That consultancy engagement steered me back to a book project which I had set aside; a project seeking to identify and understand latent archetypes embedded in our common popular tales and interpreted within a liberal democracy narrative.

In a previous book I wrote a segment on the power of populism and its emotionally seductive narrative: the promise to redress a heterogeneity of grievances, gathered under a mantle of general malaise, with simple ideas, catchy slogans, and strong, almost iconic symbols, colors, and even distinctive garments.[2] As a counter narrative, I argued, the reasoned promises liberalism can make are attractive when articulated: individual dignity, equal and fair treatment under the law, equal opportunity, and protection of private property—promises which in one way or another are often made by all candidates during democratic election campaigns (because elections, after all, are basically a liberal idea) while enjoying local foods, kissing babies, and professing their love for mom, dad, and country.

In that same book I propose to define liberty as a condition under which a human being has the opportunity to fulfill his or her own full potential as such. Liberty is at the essence of free will; it is the ideological core of liberal democracy. In the present book I juxtapose this governance paradigm against its rival, authoritarian rule. The latter can be defined as a condition under which human beings survive and thrive dependent on the opportunistic whims of a regime whose ideological core is that maximum power is rightfully and legitimately concentrated in its leader.

The promises of liberal democracy are invariably broken under populist rule, which will lead to authoritarianism. It does not matter if such rule labels itself left or right wing: equal opportunity and equal protection under the law are doomed to disappear and injustice to prevail. The reason/emotion dichotomy in politics and life will produce monsters when reason sleeps.

If the (attractive) promises and rules of a democratic liberal system are kept, these inevitably will result in the rotation of any populist, quasi-authoritarian leader and possibly violent confrontations between both systems and their followers. Self-preservation, a basic instinct in politics and particularly acute under authoritarian rule, clashes with the basic principle of democracy: the renovation of ideas, leaders, and institutions, no matter what came before. This is commonly stated as “out with the old, in with the new,” or more commonly still: “throw the bums out!” (family-friendly). This periodic institutional renovation aspect of democracy is an underlying theme of the first vignette, “Renewed.”

Old Greek myths repeatedly illustrate leadership succession as a sequence of violently overthrown tyrants by many means, sometimes by their sons or daughters, sometimes by the hero of the day. Those powerful tales, likely reflecting true life observations, perhaps led to the idea of systematic institutional renewal by rules and orderly means and, eventually, democracy. This idea, despite its many flaws, seems better than the bloodshed described in their legends, plays and stories. But, as in all fanciful fiction, reality often clashes with wishful thinking.

Left and right ideologies are purposefully clouded by their adherents as a means of political self-preservation. The ideological bases of these opposing factions and their ultimate goals can be traced back to the French Revolution era, when the then-called left championed rights to opportunity, in all possible manifestations, while the then-called right championed property rights, again, with all its possible implications. A true liberal democracy system seeks to balance the rights of opportunity and those of property to achieve the best possible outcome for all of society. In other words, for democracy to exist and thrive, so must the political alternance and permanent creative churn of left (opportunity) and right (property). The need of opposites to build a whole, from ideas and behaviors, mechanisms and systems, up to humankind itself, is contained within all the texts and, of course, brings to mind the ancient concept of Ying/Yang.

But this quest for maximal political self-preservation, i.e., achieving and maintaining power at all costs, will lead to other outcomes, sometimes even compromising the security of a nation and its citizens. Right and left partisans may prefer to heat up antagonistic rhetoric, each faction accusing the other of being the anti-democratic one (because the word "democracy" is a favorite one in modern populist and authoritarian speech), the one that “will destroy our country and our values as we know and love them,” with the corollary that to protect the essence of our nation the opponents (and dissidents) must be silenced, canceled, eliminated... Polarization ensues, extremism gains ground, and positive social outcomes diminish. That is the underlying theme for the final vignette, “Once Upon a Time…”, which ends in the sour note about both sides of the coin being one same fairy tale with no happily ever afters, just continuous struggle.

It is important to point out that when a subset of these factions incurs in truly antidemocratic behavior using their power to subvert norms and institutions,[3] even incurring in political intimidation and violence, such behavior is sometimes resisted (heroically) by some of the faction’s own members, instead of (treasonously) collaborated with. But the labels of treason, loyalty, cowardice, and bravery are results dependent and, as such and as they relate to societal transformation, are explored in the fifth vignette, “Petrified.” In this manner, from the first to the last vignette, the intention of the book is an attempt to identify what makes that messy institutional mechanism we call democracy tick and stick, and the roots it may have in our enduring ancient and familiar tales.


ABOUT THE BOOK

I had let my insights into such roots languish after an initial and feverish burst of writing a few years ago until, once again, I saw the imperative nature of the issue because of that consulting engagement. Moreover, I realized the need for illustrations to accompany the text when it taps into the myths, because in our minds we already have imprinted images of them. Thus, the book project was fully conceived.

The work is presented in thirteen “vignettes,” each with an archetypal myth or story at its core, and each accompanied by illustrations from a constellation of artists from around the world which contributed generously to the making of this project. The interaction with each artist helped me focus more clearly on the topic of each vignette, and I am truly grateful for this interaction and their support. The following paragraphs are extracts (with some paraphrasing for clarity) of my communications with some of them to attempt some guidance on the selection and creation of imaging for the text:

“…Vignettes may touch upon more than one topic at once, and these include democracy as renewal, tyranny, ‘me too,’ fake news, the nature of life, beauty, demagogues, science denial, populism, individual empowerment, diversity, and many others. Each vignette is written to be read quickly and convey through the story its underlying topic.”
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“…Regarding ‘Tyranny’, the vignette is based on a powerful if perhaps forgotten myth, one in which the creator of mankind is punished by a superior god for, basically, giving humans a fighting chance against the whims of the gods … [Prometheus] has his reward (redemption?) in his creation, humankind, which thrives and prospers because of what he did. Not to mention that Zeus himself, the tyrant, is now a lesser god. This self-sacrificial aspect of the hero I explore further in a later vignette, ‘Petrified.’”
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“…Some of Prometheus’ legends say that, while he created the human form with clay molded into the shape of the gods (as happens in all creation myths), it was Athena, the goddess of wisdom, who with her breath brought the clay to life. This is an interesting and intriguing part of the myth because it contains two ideas. First Prometheus, a Titan God of the Old Universe Order, makes alliance with the New Universe Order, an Olympian God, to create humankind. I delve directly into the old/new universe order (in essence, nature vs man) three more times in the book, directly once before, in ‘Renewed,’ later with ‘Beauty,’ and indirectly in ‘It Comes Around.’ The second message contained in the Prometheus/Athena creation myth is that just as you needed the old and the new, you needed a man and a woman to create humanity.”
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“… [Regarding ‘Io Ruminates’] We must be aware of how power can transform. He is accused by over 100 women of verbal and sexual abuse, groping, and rape, feeling entitled to do so because of his power over them. It is not acceptable. A series highlighting the disempowerment of his victims is a worthwhile project.”
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“… ‘The Bubble’ vignette seeks to reflect an antagonistic duality between lies and truth, and the danger that a longed-for fantasy may hide the dangerous reality one faces.”
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“…In using old tales, myths, and legends, one of the purposes of the book is to engage with the timelessness of the stories it taps. To make any of the illustrations too relevant to our current moment diminishes the power over time of the messaging… [‘The Monster’] is applicable to any wanna-be strongman, current or past, propped up by any witless political and/or economic oligarchy.”
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“… ‘Follow the Simon Says’ [illustrates] mobs that can be mindlessly driven by empty slogans [grunts], even to the extent of being self-destructive. To escape that collective mob mentality individuals must assert their own being, difficult as that may be. The vignette also addresses the essence of life and how it is only by connecting with what surrounds us and with other people that life is manifested, that we are happy to be alive.”
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“…[‘Purity uses] the three messages from Count Tepes as a dramatization of K-R’s stages of anger, denial, acceptance, bargaining and depression associated to the certainty that death is near[4] … his first email message, the last one in the text, makes direct reference to the second vignette in the book, the one on the Pandora/Eve myth, but turning on its head the hope and despair relationship; the violence associated to the Count’s persecution is of course related to the violence used by the powerful to maintain their privileges (and not be ‘renewed’) … the objectification of Mina by her ‘protectors’ is referential to the third vignette (‘Io Ruminates’); and the exchange between the Count and Mina is the eternal dichotomy between collective idealism and individual pragmatism, theme also touched upon in the fifth vignette based on the Perseus myth (and famously represented in the movie ‘High Noon’ with Grace Kelly and Gary Cooper).”
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“…The Cinderella story is one of the most toxic tales imprinted upon all of us since childhood. In a beautiful candy wrapper and with an excess of sugar coating, it disempowers women abysmally and sets up unreasonable expectations for men. The power of the tale is that it is derived from an idea that has set back human progress and development throughout history (and which my father, within the context of Latin America, debunked in his most famous book [5]). This is the idea that existence has three stages: one of paradise, one of suffering, and one of paradise recovered. In Cinderella there was a time of plenty, there is a time of suffering, and there is a happily ever after delivered by a magical/powerful redeemer. Of course, this is the Christian myth (among other religious variants), but it is also the Marxist myth, which makes this tale so powerfully resonant in many societies. The archetypal origin of the tale comes from the stages of child innocence, growing up (the fruit of knowledge delivered by Eve/Pandora), and a rationalization for the purpose of life (an afterlife or, for Marxists, their unattainable future). But these myths end up disempowering the individual and distracting from the here and now.”
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Friends, collaborators, and acquaintances kind enough with their time to read portions and early drafts of the text have made, among their generous comments, two observations. The first one is that the brief vignettes make them curious and have made them want to further explore the story or subject matter. That was one of my intentions, to ignite such curiosity. The second is more of a question as to whether more such stories could be forthcoming in the future.

From the large selection of tales in our western lore, I winnowed these out. I did think of a few others, such as Midas, the Minotaur, Daedalus and Icarus, David and Goliath (to which I do make a reference in one vignette), Cain and Abel, Little Red Riding Hood, Rumpelstiltskin, Moby Dick, and several more. Some could have fit within my narrative arc, others would not, or were just too obvious and too used. The Emperor’s New Clothes, for example, is overexposed: A politician with raw ambition for entitled power wealth and impunity spins fabulous yarns for his followers. These partisans believe that only a fool would not admire such a leader as he proudly struts that brazen nakedness down a Grand Avenue or siting on his baubled throne. Not one of his subjects dares to point out that the Emperor is naked, lest he or she be called an idiot, a traitor, or bear a worse fate. A tale too overexposed, too of the moment. Or is it really?

This selection of seemingly disparate stories is used to develop a single theme, the duality authoritarianism/liberalism, from various angles and within a simple narrative. Such thoughts about a “sequel” I now leave to others. Except…

I had considered the project complete with twelve vignettes and their illustrations when one of my friends, Dr. Nemesio Mondelo, suggested that I should include among the various styles of writing a cooking recipe. At first, I refused. I had dedicated too much energy to the project already and deemed it done. But after a reading of Anne Applebaum’s Twilight of Democracy I realized that my book was indeed missing one ingredient: the elements of conspiracy —essential in authoritarian domination. I then wrote one last vignette, “It’s Cooking,” a recipe, completing thusly the baker’s dozen. One of the collaborating artists, Andrés Salazar, scrambled up a photo composition including fear, corrupt knowledge, and nationalistic ideas, to perfectly accompany the text. While recipes may not quite be myths, legends, or tales, for some they can be part of a deliciously shared family tradition, like the aroma of comfort food wafting out from our favorite drunk uncle’s kitchen.

Carlos J. Rangel

June 2023



[1] Authoritarian rule is associated with the “blood and soil” tribal instinct, which both the so called right and left can appropriate at any given time in different variations. Hugo Chávez invoking Bolívar to fight Yankee imperialism invokes the same instincts as Viktor Orbán protecting Hungarian purity against (non-existent) immigrant Muslim hordes (“Xenophobia is dangerous, but patriotism is a good thing” – V. Orban). Nationalist rhetoric leaders from the range of the political spectrum, like Maduro. Ortega, Xi, Putin, Orbán, or Erdoğan to mention a few, pundits from the alt-right in the U.S., and candidates such as Le Pen, Meloni, and others, make opportunistic use and common cause with authoritarian nationalism as opposed to libertarian principle.


[2] “Populism, or the collective blindness which leads people to the abyss”, in Rangel, C.J., La Venezuela imposible: Crónicas y reflexiones sobre democracia y libertad (2017), Alexandria Publishing House, Miami, FL.


[3] For example, by members of the Polish Law and Justice party in 2015, subverting constitutional and political norms to drive democratic institutions and society to the extreme right, or by the Morena coalition trying to do the same in Mexico towards the extreme left in 2022.


[4] Kubler-Ross, E., On Death and Dying. (Routledge, 1969).


[5] Rangel, C., The Latin Americans: Their Love-Hate Relationship with the United States. (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1977)

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